Gene/Protein Disease Symptom Drug Enzyme Compound
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Query: UMLS:C0038187 (starvation)
 24,951 document(s) hit in 31,850,051 MEDLINE articles (0.00 seconds)

During the years of 1981 and 1982, 89 former prisoners of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp responded to questionnaires on mussulmen-prisoners in the extreme phase of starvation disease. In this article, I describe the origin of the term "mussulman," mussulmens' somatic and mental state, their behavior and camp customs. Prisoners characterized as mussulmen remain between life and death, without expressing emotional reactions and defense mechanisms apart from a hypersensibility to food-related stimuli. A mussulman was a product of the camp factory of death. A deep somatic and emotional stigma remains in those who survived the mussulmen state.
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PMID:Between life and death: experiences of concentration camp mussulmen during the holocaust. 232 15

The Rhode Island Supreme Court held that a healthy adult prisoner has no constitutional right to end his life by starvation and thus that the prison authorities had a right and duty to intervene with force feeding. Senecal was competent. He suffered from no terminal or other physical illness. Except for psychological pain and stigma from his conviction, he suffered from no psychosis or delusions. No dependents would be adversely affected by his unassisted suicide. The court based its decision on the fact that a prisoner retains only those rights not fundamentally inconsistent or incompatible with the criminal justice system. A prisoner has no reasonable expectation of privacy protected by the Fourth Amendment, and so a right to end one's life by starvation under the right to privacy does not apply. The state has a compelling interest in preventing suicide and preserving life where to allow a prisoner to starve would adversely affect prison security and order.
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PMID:Laurie v. Senecal. 1164 99

Ultracytochemical localization of adenosine triphosphatase (ATPase) activity in stigmas, pollens and pollen tubes of Fagopyrum esculentum was performed with the cytochemical method of lead phosphate precipitation. The results were as follows: (1) Lower activities of ATPase appeared in stigma cells at 0.5 hour after compatible and incompatible pollination. Stigma surface and pollen grains attached on stigma showed higher ATPase activities after compatible pollination and lower or no activities after incompatible pollination at 0.5 hour. ATPase localized on endoplasmic reticula and sperm cell in pollen grain. (2) Lower ATPase activities appeared both in stigma cells and pollen tubes in style at 1.5 hours after incompatible pollination. Pollen tube stopped growing and the degeneration of its cytoplasma began; on the contrary, at 1.5 hours after compatible pollination, higher ATPase activities were detected both in stigma cells and pollen tube in style. ATPase localized mainly on plasmolemma, in cytoplasmic matrix of stigma cells and in mitochondria, dictyosome, plastid envelop, and on the wall of pollen tube as well. The present study indicated that the stop of pollen tube growth after self-incompatibility of Fagopyrum esculentum resulted not only from the nutrient starvation of pollen tube, but also from its metabolic disorder in incompatible style.
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PMID:[The ultracytochemical localization of ATPase activity in pollen tube and stigma of Fagopyrum esculentum after compatible and incompatible pollination]. 1534 17

Bulimia nervosa and anorexia nervosa are inextricably linked, with substantial clinical and epidemiological overlaps. Yet, while anorexia has been analyzed extensively in medical anthropology, bulimia remains under-theorized. This is, perhaps, because, compared to self-starvation, binge eating presents a logic of practice that is difficult to reconcile with culturally reified notions of self-control, transcendence, and hard work. Thus, although anthropologists have analyzed anorexic subjectivities as imbued with a sense of cleanliness and purity, moral superiority, and heroics, similar analyses have not been extended to bulimic subjectivities; instead, bulimia has been subsumed, as a tangential disorder, into analyses of anorexia. In this paper, I aim to move bulimic identities from the margins to the centre of anthropological analysis. Based on participant narratives, I analyze bulimic identity as articulated by six Israeli women who identified as bulimic and received treatment for bulimia. The women's narratives show that bulimic identity is aligned with concepts of distinct selfhood. For these women, to be bulimic was to be framed as 'abnormal'; but this 'abnormality', albeit a source of social stigma and shame, held meanings that went beyond pathology. Through the claiming of bulimic identity, the women positioned themselves as untamed, non-conforming subjects, who acted against gendered and classed expectations-and even against the limitations of the body. Their constructions of bulimic distinction highlight the need for anthropological work that situates bulimia not as a footnote to anorexia, but as a structurally and culturally meaningful condition in its own right.
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PMID:Distinct and Untamed: Articulating Bulimic Identities. 2883 84

The purpose of this research is to describe how Hansen's disease patients experienced the modern system of control of Hansen's disease introduced by Japan, and the inimical attitude of society against them in colonial Korea. The study also seeks to reveal the development of the system to eliminate Hansen's disease patients from their home and community to larger society and leprosarium in this era. Sorokdo Charity hospital (SCH), a hospital for Hansen's disease patients, was built in 1916, and vagrant Hansen's disease patients began to be isolated in this hospital beginning in 1917 by the Japanese Government-General of Korea (JGGK). Once the police detained and sent vagrant Hansen's disease patients to SCH, stigma and discrimination against them strengthened in Korean society. Because of strong stigma and discrimination in Korean society, Hansen's disease patients suffered from daily threats of death. First, their family members were not only afraid of the contagiousness of Hansen's disease but also the stigma and discrimination against themselves by community members. If a family had a Hansen's disease patient, the rest of community members would discriminate against the entire family. Furthermore, because Hansen's disease patients were excluded from any economic livelihood such as getting a job, the existence of the patients was a big burden for their families. Therefore, many patients left their homes and began their vagrancy. The patients who could not leave their homes committed suicide or were killed by their family members. The victims of such deaths were usually women, who were at the lower position in the family hierarchy. In the strong Confucian society in Korea, more female patients were killed by themselves than male patients. Moreover, all of patients victims in the murder were women. This shows that the stigma and discrimination against Hansen's disease patients within their families were stronger against women than men. Strong stigma and discrimination made the patients rely on superstition such as cannibalism. Patients believed that there were not any effective medicine. There were a few reports of patients who were cured, and many were treated with chaulmoogra oil in the modern Hansen's disease hospitals. Eating human flesh was known as a folk remedy for Hansen's disease. As such, patients began to kill healthy people, usually children, to eat their flesh. Increased stigma led to increased victims. Hansen's disease patients who left their homes faced many threats during their vagrancy. For survival, they established their own organizations in the late 1920's. The patients who were rejected to be hospitalized in the Western Hansen's disease hospital at Busan, Daegu, and Yeosu organized self-help organizations. The purpose of these organizations was first to secure the medicine supply of chaulmoogra oil. However, as stigma and discrimination strengthened, these organizations formed by Hansen's disease patients demanded the Japanese Government-General of Korea to send and segregate them on Sorok island. They did not know the situation of the inside of this island because news media described it as a haven for patients, and very few patients were discharged from this island to tell the truth. On this island, several hundreds of patients were killed by compulsory heavy labor, starvation, and violence. They were not treated as patients, but as something to be eliminated. Under strong suppression on this island, the patients resisted first by escaping this island. However, in 1937, some patients tried to kill a Korean staff but failed. Attempted murderers were all put in the jail, also located on this island. In 1941, a patient murdered another patient who had harassed other patients, and in 1942, Chunsang Lee, a patient, killed the director of Sorok island. These instances show that there was a system to eliminate Hansen's disease patients in colonial Korea.
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PMID:Death and Survival of Patients with Hansen's Disease in Colonial Korea. 3149 20